Terrorism in Europe
Terrorism in Europe
Introduction. General overview
1. Terrorism in Spain. ETA
1.5 Political Issues
1.7 Terrorism in Northern Ireland
1.8 Terrorism in Greece. November 17
Europe. General overview
Since the attacks of September 11, 2001, and the subsequent
alerts, violence, and threats worldwide, the war on terror has been at the
forefront of international affairs. In 2001, Europe expressed its solidarity
with the United States in the initiation of an international effort to curb the
threat of terrorism throughout the world.
While in this work I have primary tried to focus on the more
well-known and active groups, namely the IRA, the ETA, and 17 November, with a
discussion of Islamic groups within Europe, these are by no means the only
terrorist organizations currently operation within Europe. In reality, no
region of Europe has been able to escape the direct effects of terrorism over
the past 50 years. For instance, though the ETA is the most famous of the
Spanish terrorist organization, the First of October Antifascist Resistance
Group (GRAPO) is a left-wing, anarchist, terrorist organization that has been
operating in Spain for the past three decades. It came into the international
spotlight in 1975, when four Spanish policemen were killed in retaliation for
the execution of five GRAPO members. GRAPO was last active in November 2000,
when they exploded a series of bombs in Vigo, Seville and Valencia.
In Italy, the Brigate Rosse, or Red Brigade, has been active
sine the 1960s. This extreme left, Marxist-Leninist group aims at separating
Italy from the Western alliance, by targeting government symbols all over
Italy. The peak of activity for this group occurred in the 1970's and 1980's,
in a series of bombings and attacks that terrorized the country, though the
group has been in decline over the past decade. On 12 December 1969, an Italian
bank was blown up, killing 16 people; 106 more casualties followed the next
year when an Italian train was derailed by the anarchist group. However, the
most notorious incident took place in 1978, when former Italian Prime Minister
Aldo Moro was kidnapped, after which point he was brutally murdered. In
December of 1983 that year, the Red Brigade took US Army Brigadier General
James Dozier, but this time, a successful rescue operation prevented a repeat
of the Moro incident. Other groups were active in Italy at the same time. In
1973, Italian neo-fascists detonated two bombs that killed 20 people, injuring
many more. Then, on 1 August 1980, 385 casualties resulted from an explosion in
Bologna, linked to right-wing terrorists in the nation. Later on, Pope John
Paul II suffered an unsuccessful assassination attempt in Rome in 1981, an
action executed by the Grey Wolves, a Turkish terrorist group that was
subsequently linked to Middle East terrorist organizations and Soviet
intelligence. In October 1983, Italian right-wingers claimed 130 casualties by
exploding another train bomb. And, in 1988, five members of the US Navy were
killed by a Japanese Red Army attack in Naples.
France too has been exposed to a variety of threats. The
Organisation Armee Secrete, or Secret Army Organisation (OAS), comprised of
French nationals, army personnel, and foreign legion members was a group
dedicated to keeping Algeria as a French colony. On 9 September 1961, the group
attempted to assassinate French President Charles de Gaulle in France. The
attack launched by that group in January 1962 at the foreign ministry was more
successful, claiming 14 casualties; many more joined that number in 12 further
attacks between 1962 and 1965. Another organization, Action Directe, a
Marxist-Leninist group affiliated with the International Revolutionary Movement
Group (GARI), founded in the 1970's and devoted to the destruction of the
existing government, attacked a Parisian restaurant in 1982, killing six
civilians in the process. In January 1985, the head of French international
arms sales was killed in Paris by the Red Army Faction of the same group, a
splinter force with links to the Baader-Meinhof Gang. Then, in 1986, Action
Directe struck again in its most famous action, killing the president of
Renault in Paris.
In 1983, 63 casualties were claimed after an Armenian
terrorist group planted a bomb at the Orly airport. 1986 initiated a 10-month
long series of attacks all over France that were linked to the Armenian
terrorists, in conjunction with Lebanese groups. Most recently, in 2000, a bomb
planted in a French McDonald's by the Breton Revolutionary Army (ARB), a
pro-independence group in Brittany, killed one woman.
Germany has also had to face a wide-ranging terrorist threat,
starting with the 1970 formation of the notorious Baader-Meinhof Gang. That
year the German leftist Ulrike Meinhof organized Andreas Baader's escape from a
Berlin prison; the two then formed the terrorist gang that would launch a
series of attacks throughout Germany in the next 30 years. Within a year, they
would be knows as the Red Army Faction (RAF), a strategic renaming aimed at
creating a sense of a much larger organization, as opposed to a small German
splinter group. In May and June 1972, two separate attacks were carried out on
US Army headquarters in Frankfurt and Heidelberg, claiming 17 casualties. Then,
on 5 September 1975, the Baader-Meinhof Gang kidnapped Hans Martin Schleyer, a
German businessman, subsequently killing him. An almost-successful
assassination attempt on NATO's Supreme Allied Commander Haig was carried out
in 1979. Though the organization has now ceased to exist, the precedent for
terrorism in Germany has been set.
in Spain. ETA
Ta Askatasuna, or ETA, is a Basque paramilitary group that seeks to create an
independent socialist state for the Basque people, separate from Spain and
France, the countries in which Basque-populated areas currently lie. ETA is
considered by Spain, France, the European Union and the United States to be a
terrorist organization . The name Euskadi Ta Askatasuna is in the Basque
language, and translates as "Basque Country and Liberty". ETA's motto
is Bietan jarrai ("Keep up on both"). This refers to the two figures
in the ETA symbol, the snake (symbolising secrecy and astuteness) wrapped
around an axe (representing strength).
organization was founded in 1959 and evolved rapidly from a group advocating
traditional cultural ways to an armed resistance movement.
forms part of what is known as the Basque National Liberation Movement
(Movimiento de Liberación Nacional Vasco, MLNV in Spanish). This comprises
several distinct organizations promoting a type of left Basque nationalism
often referred to by the Basque-language term ezker abertzale or by the mixed
Spanish and Basque izquierda abertzale. These include ETA, Batasuna, Euskal
Herritarrok, Herri Batasuna, and the associated youth group Haika (formed by
Jarrai and Gazteriak, and Segi), the union LAB, Gestoras pro Amnistía and
is believed to be financed principally by a so-called "revolutionary tax",
paid by many businesses in the Basque Country and in the rest of Spain and
enforced by the threat of assassination. They also kidnap people for ransom and
have occasionally burgled or robbed storehouses of explosives. They have often
maintained large caches of explosives, often in France rather than within the
borders of Spain.
the end of 2004, ETA had killed 817 people, of which 339 were civilians,
the Franco era, ETA had considerable public support (even beyond the Basque
populace), but Spain's transition to democracy and ETA's progressive
radicalization have resulted in a steady loss of support, which became
especially apparent at the time of their 1997 kidnapping and assassination of
Miguel Ángel Blanco. Their loss of sympathizers has been reflected in an
erosion of support for the political parties identified with the MLNV.
recent years, ETA supporters have become a minority in the Basque region. A
Euskobarómetro poll (conducted by the Universidad del País Vasco) in the Basque
Country in May 2004, found that a significant number of Basques supported some
or all of ETA's goals (33% favored Basque independence, 31% federalism, 32%
autonomy, 2% centralism. However, few supported their violent methods (87%
agreed that "today in Euskadi it is possible to defend all political
aspirations and objectives without the necessity of resorting to
poll did not cover Navarre or the Basque areas of France, where Basque
nationalism is weaker.
focus has been on two demands:
an independent socialist government be created in Basque-inhabited areas of
Spain and France (Euskal Herria). (In Spain, these are known collectively as
the Basque Country and include both the Comunidad Autónoma Vasca ("Autonomous
Basque Community") — consisting of the provinces of Vizcaya (Bizkaia),
Guipúzcoa (Gipuzkoa), Álava (Araba) — and province of Navarre (Nafarroa),
which, alone, constitutes the Comunidad Foral de Navarra (Navarese Community
under fueros). The Basque-inhabited areas in France are known collectively as
the French Basque Country and include Lower Navarre, Labourd (Lapurdi) and
Soule (Zuberoa), all located in southwestern France in the département of
imprisoned ETA members currently awaiting trial or serving prison sentences in
Spain be released.
the 1980s, the goals of the organisation started to shift. Four decades after
the creation of ETA, the idea of creating a Socialist state in the Basque
Country had begun to seem utopian and impractical, and ETA moved to a more
pragmatic stance. This was reflected in the 1995 manifesto "Democratic
Alternative", which offered the cessation of all armed ETA activity if the
Spanish-government would recognize the Basque people as having sovereignty over
Basque territory and the right to self-determination. Self-determination would
be achieved through a referendum on whether to remain a part of Spain.
organization has adopted other tactical causes such as fighting against:
drug traffickers as corruptors of Basque youth and police collaborators
nuclear power plant project at Lemoiz
is organized into distinct talde ("groups"), whose objective is to
conduct terrorist operations in a specific geographic zone; collectively, they
are coordinated by the cúpula militar ("military cupola"). In
addition, they maintain safe houses and zulo (caches of arms or explosives; the
Basque word zulo literally means "hole."
its members, ETA distinguishes between legalak, those members who do not have
police files, liberados, exiled to France, and quemados, freed after having
internal organ of ETA is Zutik ("Standing").
tactics of intimidation include:
and murder, especially by car bombs or a gunshot to the nape of the neck.
threats, often delivered in the Basque Country by placards or graffiti, and
which have forced many people into hiding; an example was the harassment of
Juan María Atutxa, one-time head of the department of justice for the Basque
so-called "revolutionary tax."
(often as a punishment for failing to pay the "revolutionary tax").
operates mainly in Spain, particularly in the Basque Country, Navarre, and (to
a lesser degree) Madrid, Barcelona, and the tourist areas of the Mediterranean
coast of Spain. ETA has generally focused on so-called "military
targets" (in which definition it has included police and politicians), but
in recent years it has also sometimes targeted civilians.
victims have included, among others:
Carrero Blanco, president of the government under Franco (1973)
of the army and the security forces of the Spanish state, including Guardia
Civil, Policía Nacional, and police of the autonomous regions, such as the
Ertzaintza (Basque police) or mossos d'esquadra (the police force of
members of city councils, sympathizers and partisans of other parties,
including the socialist PSOE (such as Fernando Buesa, killed February 22, 2000
in Vitoria and Ernest Lluch shot through the neck November 21, 2000 in
Barcelona), the conservative Partido Popular (such as Miguel Ángel Blanco and
Gregorio Ordóñez) or even conservative Basque nationalists such as (Navarrese
fuerista Tomás Caballero, assassinated in 1998).
such as Javier Ybarra.
of the prison and judicial systems.
professors, such as Francisco Tomás y Valiente, killed in 1996.
such as José Luis López de la Calle, killed in May 2000.
of certain religious and social groups.
tourists in Spain.
bombings, ETA members often make a telephone call so that people can be
evacuated, although these calls have sometimes given incorrect information,
leading to increased casualties.
police file, dating from 1996, indicated that ETA needs about 15 million
pesetas (about 90,000 Euros) daily in order to finance its operations. Although
ETA used robbery as a means of financing in its early days, it has since been
accused both of arms trafficking and of benefiting economically from its
political counterpart Batasuna. The two most important methods that the
organization has used to obtain finances are kidnapping and extortion,
euphemistically known as "revolutionary taxes." Other similar
organizations such as FARC have also used this tactic. In 2002 the judge
Baltasar Garzón seized the herriko tabernas (people's taverns) which were
reportedly collecting these "revolutionary taxes".
is known to have had contacts with the Irish Republican Army; the two groups
have both, at times, characterized their struggles as parallel. It has also had
links with other militant left-wing movements in Europe and in other places
throughout the world. Because of its allegiance to Marxist ideas, ETA has in
the past been sponsored by communist regimes such as Cuba, as well as by Libya
and Lebanon. Some of its members have found political asylum in Mexico and
1.5 Political issues
political wing is Batasuna, formerly known as Euskal Herritarrok and
"Herri Batasuna", which generally receives about 10% of the vote in
the Basque areas of Spain.
political status has been a very controversial issue. The Spanish Cortes
(parliament) began the process of declaring the party illegal in August 2002, a
move which was strongly disputed by many who felt that it was too draconian.
Judge Baltasar Garzón suspended the activities of Batasuna in a parallel trial,
investigating the relationship between Batasuna and ETA, and its headquarters
were shut down by police. The Supreme Court of Spain finally declared Batasuna
illegal on March 18, 2003. The court considered proven that Batasuna had
several links with ETA and that it was, in fact, part of ETA. Batasuna was
listed as a terrorist organization by the United States in May 2003 and by all
EU countries in June 2003.
Spain, all Members of Parliament not belonging to Batasuna or any of the
independentist political parties are required to carry a permanent escort lest
they should be attacked by ETA. This also extends to all Basque city councilors
of non-Basque-Nationalist parties and several of the Basque Nationalist
was founded by young nationalists, initially affiliated with the PNV. Started
in 1953 as a student discussion group at the University of Deusto in Bilbao, an
offshoot of the PNV's youth group EGI, it was originally called EKIN, from the
Basque-language verb meaning "to act"; the name had the meaning
July 31, 1959 it reconstituted itself as ETA. Their split from the PNV was
apparently because they considered the PNV too moderate in its opposition to
Franco's dictatorship. They disagreed with the PNV's rejection of violent
tactics and advocated a Basque resistance movement utilizing direct action.
This was an era of wars of national liberation such as the anti-colonial war in
their platform, formed at their first assembly in Bayonne, France in 1962, ETA
called for "historical regenerationism", considering Basque history
as a process of construction of a nation. They declared that Basque nationality
is defined by the Basque language, Euskara; this was in contrast to the PNV's
definition of Basque nationality in terms of ethnicity. In contrast with the
explicit Catholicism of the PNV, ETA defined itself as
"aconfessional" (religiously pluralistic), rejecting the hierarchy of
the Roman Catholic Church, although using Catholic doctrine to elaborate its
social program. They called for socialism and for "independence for
Euskadi, compatible with European federalism".
1965, ETA adopted a Marxist-Leninist position; its precise political line has
varied with time, although they have always advocated some type of socialism.
its early years, ETA's activity seems to have consisted mostly of theorizing
and of protesting by destroying infrastructure and Spanish symbols and by
hanging forbidden Basque flags.
not possible to say when ETA first began a policy of assassination, nor is it
clear who committed the first assassinations identified with ETA. There are
sources that say the first was the June 27, 1960 death of a 22-month-old child,
Begoña Urroz Ibarrola, who died in a bombing in San Sebastián; other sources
single out a failed 1961 attempt to derail a train carrying war veterans;
others point to the unpremeditated June 7, 1968 killing of a guardia civil,
José Pardines Arcay by ETA member Xabi Etxebarrieta: the policeman had halted
Etxebarrieta's car for a road check. Etxebarrieta was soon killed by the
Spanish police, leading to retaliation in the form of the first ETA
assassination with major repercussions, was that of Melitón Manzanas, chief of
the secret police in San Sebastián and a suspected torturer. In 1970, several members
of ETA were condemned to death in the Proceso de Burgos ("Trial of
Burgos"), but international pressure resulted in commutation of the
sentences, which, however, had by that time already been applied to some other
members of ETA. The most consequential assassination performed by ETA during
Franco's dictatorship was the December 1973 assassination by bomb in Madrid of
admiral Luis Carrero Blanco, Franco's chosen successor and president of the
government (a position roughly equivalent to being a prime minister). This
killing, committed as a reprisal for the execution of Basque independentistas,
was widely applauded by the Spanish opposition in exile.
Franco's death, during Spain's transition to democracy ETA split into two separate
organizations: the majority became ETA political-military or ETA(pm), the
minority ETA military or ETA(m). ETA(pm) accepted the Spanish government's
offer of amnesty to all ETA prisoners, even those who had committed violent
crimes; abandoned the policy of violence; and integrated into the political
party Euskadiko Ezkerra ("Left of the Basque Country"), which years
later split. One faction retained the name Euskadiko Ezkerra for some years,
before merging into the Partido Socialista de Euskadi (PSE), the Basque
affiliate of the national PSOE); the other became Euskal Ezkerra (EuE,
"Basque Left") and then merged into Eusko Alkartasuna. Some of the
former ETA members (like Mario Onaindía, Jon Juaristi, Joseba Pagazaurtundua)
evolved to non-nationalist leftism or even Spanish nationalism, thus becoming
targets or victims for ETA.
ETA(m) (which, again, became known simply as ETA) adopted even more radical and
violent positions. The years 1978–80 were to prove ETA's most deadly, with 68,
76, and 91 fatalities, respectively. [Martinez-Herrera 2002]
the Franco era, ETA was able to take advantage of toleration by the French
government, which allowed its members to move freely through French territory,
believing that in this manner they were contributing to the end of Franco's
regime. There is much controversy over the degree to which this policy of
"sanctuary" continued even after the transition to democracy, but it
is generally agreed that currently the French authorities collaborate closely with
the Spanish government against ETA.
performed their first car bomb assassination in Madrid in September 1985,
resulting in one death and 16 injuries; another bomb in July 1986 killed 12
members of the Guardia Civil and injured 50; on July 19, 1987 the Hipercor
bombing was an attack in a shopping center in Barcelona, killing 21 and
injuring 45; in the last case, several entire families were killed. ETA claimed
in a communique that they had given advance warning of the Hipercor bomb, but
that the police had declined to evacuate the area.
"dirty war" against ETA, Grupos Antiterroristas de Liberación (GAL,
"Antiterrorist Liberation Groups"), a government-sponsored and
supposedly counter-terrorist organization active 1986–87 (and possibly later)
committed assassinations, kidnappings and torture, not only of ETA members but
of civilians, some of whom turned out to have nothing to do with ETA. In 1997 a
Spanish court convicted and imprisoned several individuals involved in GAL, not
only footsoldiers but politicians up to the highest levels of government,
including a minister of the interior. No major cases of foul play on part of
the Spanish government after 1987 have been proven in court, although ETA
supporters routinely claim human rights violations and torture by security
forces, and international human rights organizations have backed some of these
1986 Gesto por la Paz (known in English as Association for Peace in the Basque
Country) was founded; they began to convene silent demonstrations in
communities throughout the Basque Country the day after any violent killing,
whether by ETA or by GAL. These were the first systematic demonstrations in the
Basque Country against terrorist violence. Also in 1986, in Ordizia, ETA
assassinated María Dolores Katarain, known as "Yoyes", the former
director of ETA who had abandoned armed struggle and rejoined civil society:
they accused her of "desertion".
12, 1988 all Basque political parties except ETA-affiliated Herri Batasuna
signed the Ajuria-Enea pact with the intent of ending ETA's violence. Weeks
later on January 28, ETA announced a 60-day "ceasefire", later
prolonged several times. A negotiation in Algeria known as the Mesa de Argel
("Algiers Table") was attempted between ETA (represented by Eugenio
Etxebeste, "Antxon") and the then-current PSOE government of Spain,
but no successful conclusion was reached, and ETA eventually resumed the use of
this period, the Spanish government had a policy referred to as
"reinsertion", under which imprisoned ETA members who the government
believed had genuinely abandoned violent intent could be freed and allowed to
rejoin society. Claiming a need to prevent ETA from coercively impeding this
reinsertion, the PSOE government decided that imprisoned ETA members, who
previously had all been imprisoned within the Basque Country, would instead be
dispersed to prisons throughout Spain, some as far from their families as in
the Salto del Negro prison in the Canary Islands. France has taken a similar
approach. In the event, the only clear effect of this policy was to incite
social protest, especially from nationalists, over the supposed illegality of
the policy itself. Much of the protest against this policy runs under the
slogan "Euskal presoak - Euskal Herrira" (Basque prisoners to the
Spanish counter-terrorist law puts suspected terrorist cases under the
specialized tribunal Audiencia Nacional in Madrid. Suspected terrorists are
subject to a habeas corpus term longer than other suspects.
1992, ETA's three top leaders — military leader Francisco Mujika Garmendia
("Pakito"), political leader José Luis Alvarez Santacristina
("Txelis") and logistical leader José María Arregi Erostarbe
("Fiti"), often referred to collectively as the "cupola" of
ETA or as the Artapalo collective — were arrested in the French Basque town of
Bidart, which led to changes in ETA's leadership and direction. After a
two-month truce, ETA adopted even more radical positions. The principal
consequence of the change appears to have been the creation of the "Y
Groups", young people (generally minors) dedicated to so-called "kale
borroka" — street struggle — and whose activities included burning buses,
street lamps, benches, ATMs, garbage containers, etc. and throwing Molotov
cocktails. The appearance of these groups was attributed by many to supposed
weakness of ETA, which obligated them to resort to minors to maintain or
augment their impact on society after arrests of leading militants, including
the "cupola". ETA also began to menace leaders of other parties
besides rival Basque nationalist parties. The existence of the "Y
Groups" as an organized phenomenon has been contested by some supporters
of Basque national liberation, who claim that this construction is merely a
trumped-up excuse to give longer prison sentences to those convicted of street
1995, the armed organization again launched a peace proposal. The so-called
Democratic Alternative replaced the earlier KAS Alternative as a minimum
proposal for the establishment of Euskal Herria. The Democratic Alternative
offered the cessation of all armed ETA activity if the Spanish-government would
recognize the Basque people as having sovereignty over Basque territory and the
right to self-determination. The Spanish government ultimately rejected this
in 1995 came a failed ETA car bombing attempt directed against José María
Aznar, a conservative politician who was leader of the then-opposition Partido
Popular (PP) and was shortly after elected to the presidency of the government;
their was also an abortive attempt in Majorca on the life of King Juan Carlos
I. Still, the act with the largest social impact came the following year. July
10, 1997 PP activist Miguel Ángel Blanco was kidnapped in the Basque city of
Ermua and his death threatened unless the Spanish government would meet ETA's
demands. Six million people demonstrated to demand his liberation, with
demonstrations occurring as much in the Basque regions as elsewhere in Spain.
After three days, ETA carried through their threat, unleashing massive
demonstrations reflecting the ETA action with the cries of
"Assassins" and "Basques yes, ETA no". This response came
to be known as the "Spirit of Ermua".
the Good Friday Accord marked the beginning of the end of violent hostilities
in Northern Ireland, and given that the Ajuria-Enea pact had failed to bring
peace to the Basque Country, the Lizarra/Estella Pact brought together
political parties, unions, and other Basque groups in hopes again of changing
the political situation. Shortly after, September 18, 1998, ETA declared a
unilateral truce or ceasefire, and began a process of dialogue with Spain's PP
government. The dialogue continued for some time, but ETA resumed
assassinations in 2000, accusing the government of being "inflexible"
and of "not wanting dialogue". The communique that declared the end
of the truce cited the failure of the process initiated in the Lizarra/Estella
Pact to achieve political change as the reason for the return to violence. The
Spanish government, from the highest levels, accused ETA of having declared a
false truce in order to rearm. Later came acts of violence such as the November
6, 2001 car bomb in Madrid, which injured 65, and attacks on soccer stadiums
and tourist destinations.
September 11, 2001 attacks appeared to have dealt a hard blow to ETA, owing to
the toughening of antiterrorist measures (such as the freezing of bank
accounts), the increase in international police coordination, and the end of
the toleration some countries had, up until then, extended to ETA. In addition,
in 2002 the Basque nationalist youth movement Jarrai was outlawed and the law
of parties was changed outlawing Herri Batasuna, the "political arm"
of ETA (although even before the change in law, Batasuna had been largely
paralyzed and under judicial investigation by judge Baltasar Garzón).
ever-increasing frequency, attempted ETA actions have been frustrated by
Spanish security forces. On Christmas Eve 2003, in San Sebastián and in
Hernani, National Police arrested two ETA members who had left dynamite in a
railroad car prepared explode in Chamartín Station in Madrid. On March 1, 2004,
in a place between Alcalá de Henares and Madrid, a light truck with 536 kg of
explosives was left to cause a massacre, but was prevented by the action of the
February 18, 2004, ETA publicly stated that a ceasefire only in Catalonia had
been in effect since January 1, based on "a desire to unite the ties
between the Basque and Catalan peoples." Some claimed that this ceasefire
was based on a secret pact with Josep-Lluís Carod-Rovira, leader of Esquerra
Republicana de Catalunya (ERC, "Republican Left of Catalonia").
Carod-Rovira, despite admitting to having met with ETA in France in December
denied having reached any accord, saying that the meeting was an attempt to drive
ETA away from violence, and ended with no results. This, during an electoral
campaign, became a scandal, and endangered the recent tripartite Catalan
government, formed by ERC (ERC), Iniciativa per Catalunya Verds-Esquerra Unida
i Alternativa (ICV-EUiA) and the Partit dels Socialistes de Catalunya (PSC).
The opposition then accused Aznar of being behind the leak to the media of the
intelligence report detailing the meeting and Aznar refused to clarify whether
he knew about this meeting before the leaking. Aznar was also questioned as to
why the ETA members who attended that meeting were not detained.
in 2004, ETA was initially suspected of being the authors of a series of ten
bombings only a few days before the national elections, which targeted three
locations along Madrid's suburban train lines on the morning of March 11, 2004,
killing 192 civilians (see 11 March 2004 Madrid attacks). This theory was
officially endorsed by José María Aznar's government, despite the police
quickly gathering evidence pointing towards Islamic terrorism. Many Spanish
citizens took this rush to judgment as an offence towards the victims of the
attacks and towards the Spanish people; this was generally seen as a decisive
factor in the electoral result which overturned Aznar's government (see Spanish
legislative election, 2004). The authorship of this attack, the largest
European terror incident in terms of lives lost since the 1988 Pan Am flight
103 flight bombing, has been finally ascribed to Islamist terrorists by the Spanish
September 27, 2004, ETA militants sent a videotape to Gara, a Basque newspaper
based in Guipúzcoa, in which the militants stated that ETA would continue to
fight for Basque self-determination and that ETA would "respond with arms
at the ready to those who deny us through the force of arms." This
videotape represented ETA's first major public statement since the March 11
attacks. During the weekend preceding the videotape release, the group claimed
responsibility for a series of bombings that hampered electricity transmission
between France and Spain.
October 3, 2004, French police launched an operation against ETA's logistical
apparatus, making 21 arrests, among them the couple who functioned as top ETA
leaders, Mikel Albizu Iriarte ("Mikel Antza") and Soledad Iparragirre
("Anboto"). They found four zulos (caches) with a vast quantity of
armaments, much greater than had been estimated to be at ETA's disposal; they
also managed to turn up information about ETA's printing an internal newsletter,
but nothing leading to any major bank account or other horde of money. The
operation was considered one of the most successful since Bidart in 1992. As of
October 2004, it appears that these measures will result in ETA leadership
moving into different hands; it is too soon to evaluate the consequences. Spain
has solicited the extradition of Mikel Antza y Amboto via a Euroorden.
December 4, 2004, Five minor bombs exploded in Madrid. An ETA spokesman said
that ETA was behind this, and local police authorities found that all the bombs
was set to go off 06:30pm local time.
December 6, 2004, Spanish Constitution Day, ETA detonated seven bombs in bars,
cafes and town squares across Spain.
December 12, 2004, the Real Madrid Santiago Bernabéu football Stadium was
evacuated due to a phoned-in bomb threat in name of ETA. The bomb—expected to
blow up at 9:00 p.m.—didn't explode, and the 69,000 spectators of the match
under way at the time of the call were safely evacuated by the Spanish Police
at 8:45 p.m.
February 8, 2005, a car bomb, which carried 30 Kg of cloratite, exploded in
Madrid outside a convention center. At least 43 people were injured and no one
February 27, 2005, a small bomb exploded at a resort hotel in Villajoyosa after
a telephonic warning. The building was evacuated and no one was injured. The
explosion damaged only a small house near the residence's swimming pool.
Terrorism in Northern Ireland. IRA
1.7.1 The Irish
Troubles is a generic term used to describe a period of sporadic communal
violence involving paramilitary organisations, the police, the British Army and
others in Northern Ireland from the late 1960s until the mid-1990s. (Another
term, common among British commentators is the "Irish Problem", though
this is seen as pejorative by many Irish people as it seems to absolve Britain
of any blame for the conflict and portray it as a neutral party.) It could also
be described as a many-sided conflict, a guerrilla war or even a civil war.
origins of the Troubles are complex. What is clear is that its origins lie in
the century long debate over whether Ireland, or part of Ireland, should be
part of the United Kingdom. In 1920, after widespread political violence, the
Government of Ireland Act partitioned the island of Ireland into two separate
states, one of which was Northern Ireland. According to the majority of
unionists, Northern Ireland, which remained a self governing region of the
United Kingdom, was governed in accordance with "democratic" principles,
the rule of law and in accordance with the will of a majority within its
borders to remain part of the United Kingdom. Nationalists however saw the
partition of Ireland as an illegal and immoral division of the island of
Ireland against their will, and argued that the Northern Ireland state was
neither legitimate nor democratic, but created with a deliberately designed
unionist majority. Each side had their own soundbites to describe their
perspective. Unionist Prime Minister of Northern Ireland Lord Brookborough
talked of a "Protestant state for a Protestant people", while a later
Republic of Ireland taoiseach (prime minister) Charles Haughey called Northern
Ireland a "a failed political entity".
overlapping segments exist within Northern Ireland. The majority of the
unionist community are generally called Unionists and commit to supporting
political parties like the Ulster Unionist Party (known for part of the 1970s
and 1980s as the Official Unionist Party) or the more militant protestant
Democratic Unionist Party. The larger segment of the nationalist catholic
community are generally called simply Nationalist and supported at various
times the Nationalist Party and since the 1970s the Social Democratic and
Labour Party. Both communities had smaller, more radical elements who supported
at various times what one IRA strategist called the "armalite and the
ballot box" (ie, a combination of electoral politics and violence when
necessary). More radical elements within the unionist community came to be
called Loyalists while radical nationalists came to be described as
Republicans. Each of the radical groups produced their own paramilitary
organisations like the Provisional IRA, Official IRA, Continuity IRA, Real IRA,
Irish National Liberation Army etc (all republican), and the Ulster Defence
Association, Ulster Freedom Fighters, Red Hand Commandos etc (loyalist). Most
such groups had their own political organisations, while some of the groups had
overlapping memberships. While the various political movements claimed to speak
on behalf of the 'majority of the people', electoral votes throughout the
1960s, 1970s and 1980s returned majorities for Nationalist and Unionist parties
at the expense of Republican and Loyalist ones, though the latter two did
achieve occasional successes, notably the election of MPs in the constituencies
of West Belfast and Fermanagh & South Tyrone. At its electoral highpoint
during the troubles, in the 1981 Republic of Ireland general election, it won
two seats out of one hundred and sixty six in parliament. Sinn Féin's major
electoral successes only followed the ceasefire of the IRA in the 1990s.
the most part a clear divide exists in terms of religion and some times a
left-right divide between the various communities. Most though not all
protestants are unionists, while most though not all catholics are
nationalists. While the mainstream organisations representing Nationalists and
Unionists tended to be quite conservative, more politically and religious
radical groups associated with Republicans and Loyalists, with the leading
republican organisation in the 1960s, the Official IRA and its party, Sinn Féin
adopting a marxist perspective of the 'Irish problem', defining it in terms of
"class struggle", they arguing for the creation of an 'Irish
socialist republic'. Loyalists in the 1970s even advocated forms of an
"independent ulster" which they compared to the apartheid-style
regimes of Rhodesia and South Africa, in which one community's dominance could
for Unionists, all other segments argued that the Northern Ireland of the 1960s
needed change. Moderate nationalists in the Civil Rights movement, under
figures like John Hume, Gerry Fitt and Austin Currie advocated an end to the
gerrymandering of local government wards to ensure Protestant victories on
minority votes, and the end to discrimination over access to council housing.
They pressed for wide reforms, whereas Unionists saw "concessions" as
part of a process whereby nationalists would bring down Northern Ireland and
force Irish unity. Republicans adopted a more violent approach to force more
radical change, while Loyalists stepped up their violence to oppose it.
Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC), the police force in Northern Ireland, was
largely though not totally Protestant for a complex series of reasons.
Catholics did not join in the numbers expected by the British when the force
was first created. Those that did reported a 'hostile to Catholics' working
environment, in which Unionist and Protestant organisations like the Orange
Order and the Ulster Unionist Party had undue influence. Those Catholics who
did join were often targeted by the various IRAs. Yet some Catholic police officers
did play a part in the constabulary. One served as Chief Constable, while the
leader of the nationalist Social Democratic and Labour Party, Mark Durkan is
himself the son of a Catholic RUC man.
lack of Catholic officers was augmented by the role of constabulary played in
policing, which involved as is generally the case with policing the maintenance
of the status quo. The result was that critics of the unionist and loyalist
communities saw the police force as the "unionist police force for a unionist
state". Unlike its sister police force in the South, An Garda Síochána,
which was mainly composed of ex-IRA men, the RUC failed to establish cross
community trust, with each community blaming the other or the RUC for failings
policing review, part of the Good Friday Agreement, has led to some reforms of
policing, including more rigorous accountability, measures to increase the
number of Catholic officers, and the renaming of the RUC to the Police Service
of Northern Ireland to avoid using the word "Royal".
are several paramilitary groups which claim or have claimed the title Irish
Republican Army (IRA) and advocate a unitary Irish state with no ties to the
United Kingdom. All claim descent from the original "Irish Republican
Army", the "army" of the Irish Republic declared by Dáil Éireann
in 1919. Most Irish people dispute the claims of more recently created
organizations that insist that they are the only legitimate descendants of the
original IRA, often referred to as the "Old IRA".
Official IRA, the remainder of the IRA after the Provisional IRA seceded in
1969, now apparently inactive in the military sense.
Provisional IRA (PIRA), founded in 1969 and best known for paramilitary
campaigns during the 1970s-1990s
'Real' IRA, a 1990s breakaway from the PIRA
Continuity IRA, another 1990s breakaway from the PIRA
a) The Old IRA
Irish Republican Army (IRA) has its roots in Ireland's struggle for
independence from the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland in the early
twentieth century. It is important to differentiate between what is termed the
'Old IRA' and the 'Official IRA' from the Provisional IRA (PIRA), a
splinter-group which formed in the late 1960s in the wake of institutionalized
anti-Catholic discrimination, riots and murders (mainly in Belfast and Derry).
Irish Republican Army first emerged as the army of the Irish Republic that had
been declared at the Easter Rising of 1916 and affirmed by the First Dail in
January 1919. It was descended from the Irish Volunteers and the Irish Citizens
Army which had existed in the second decade of the twentieth century and which
had played a part in the Easter Rising.
Irish Defence Forces, the Official and Provisional IRA and the 'Continuity' and
'Real IRA' all lay claim to the title Óglaigh na hÉireann (in the Irish
language, Irish Volunteers.) Michael Collins took an active role in
reorganizing the IRA. Its formation and its subsequent development were
inextricably intertwined and interrelated with the subsequent political history
of Ireland and Northern Ireland and any consideration of the IRA therefore
needs to be set firmly in context.
1914 the long-running Irish nationalist demand for home rule had finally been
conceded by the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland government, subject
to two provisos: that it would not come into being until the end of the First
World War, and that the six northern counties of Ireland were to be temporarily
excluded from the control of a home rule parliament in Dublin. The latter
demand had resulted from a campaign of physical disobedience by northern
unionists, producing a fear in Britain that the concession of home rule would
lead to a civil war between nationalists and unionists.
minority of nationalists, the home rule conceded was judged to be too little,
too late. In the Easter Rising of 1916, these nationalists staged a rebellion
against British rule in Dublin and in some other isolated areas. Weapons had
been supplied by Germany, under the auspices of a leading human rights
campaigner, Sir Roger Casement. However the plot had been discovered and the
weapons were lost when the ship carrying them was scuttled rather than allowed
to be captured.
rebellion was largely centered on Dublin. The leaders seized the Dublin General
Post Office (GPO), raising a green flag bearing the legend 'Irish Republic',
and proclaiming independence for Ireland. Though Republican history often
claimed that the Rising and its leaders had public support, in reality there
were widespread calls for the execution of the ringleaders, coming from the
major Irish nationalist daily newspaper, the 'Irish Independent' and local
authorities. Dubliners not only cooperated with the British troops sent to
quell the uprising, but undermined the Republicans as well. Many people spat
and threw stones at them as they were marched towards the transport ships that
would take them to the Welsh internment camps.
public opinion gradually shifted, initially over the summary executions of 16
senior leaders--some of whom, such as James Connolly, were too ill to
stand--and people thought complicit in the rebellion. As one observer
described, "the drawn out process of executing the leaders of the
rising... it was like watching blood seep from behind a closed door."
Opinion shifted even more in favor of the Republicans in 1917-18 with the
Conscription Crisis, when Britain tried to impose conscription on Ireland to
bolster its flagging war effort.
Féin, commonly known as the IRA's political arm, was widely credited with
orchestrating the Easter rising, although the group was advocating
less-than-full independence at the time. The party's then-leader, Arthur
Griffith, was campaigning for a dual monarchy with Britain, a return to the status
quo of the so-called 'Constitution of 1782', forged in Grattan's Parliament.
The Republican survivors, under Eamon de Valera, infiltrated and took over Sinn
Féin, leading to a crisis of goals in 1917.
compromise agreed to at its Árd Fheis (party conference) Sinn Féin agreed to
initially campaign for a republic. Having established one, it would let the
electorate decide on whether to have a monarchy or republic; however, if they
chose a monarchy, no member of the British Saxe-Coburg-Gotha/Windsor Royal
Family was to be eligible for the Irish throne.
1916 to 1918, the two dominant nationalist movements, Sínn Féin and the Irish
Parliamentary Party fought a tough series of battles in by-elections. Neither
won a decisive victory; however, the Conscription Crisis tipped the balance in
favor of Sinn Féin. The party went on to win a clear majority of seats in the
1918 general election and most were uncontested.
Féin MPs elected in 1918 chose not to take their seats in Westminster but
instead set up an independent 'Assembly of Ireland', or 'Dáil Éireann', in
Gaelic. On January 21st, 1919, this new, unofficial parliament assembled in the
Mansion House in Dublin. As its first acts, the Dáil elected a prime minister
(Priomh Aire), Cathal Brugha, and a inaugurated a ministry called the
first shots in the Irish War of Independence were fired in Soloheadbeg,
Tipperary on the 21st of January 1919 by Sean Treacy. Two RIC constables (James
McDonnell and Patrick O'Connell) were killed while the South Tipperary IRA
volunteer unit was attempting to seize a quantity of gelignite. Technically,
the men involved were considered to be in a serious breach of IRA discipline
and were liable to be court-martialed, but it was considered more politically
expedient to hold them up as examples of a rejuvenated militarism. The conflict
soon escalated into guerrilla warfare by what were then known as the Flying
Columns in remote areas. Attacks on particularly remote Royal Irish
Constabulary (RIC) barracks continued throughout 1919 and 1920, forcing the
police to consolidate defensively in the larger towns, effectively placing
large areas of the countryside in the hands of the Republicans.
response, the British sent hundreds of World War I veterans to assist the RIC.
The veterans reportedly wore a combination of black police uniforms and tan
army uniforms, which, according to one etymology, inspired the nickname 'Black
and Tans'. The brutality of the 'Black and Tans' is now legendary, although the
most excessive repression attributed to the Crown's forces was often the fault
of the Auxiliary Division of the Constabulary.
IRA was also accused of excesses; in particular against the property of
Loyalists in the Munster area. Both Dáil Éireann (the Irish Parliament) and
Sinn Féin were proscribed by the British government.
Lloyd George, the British Prime Minister at the time, found himself under
increasing political pressure to try to salvage something from the situation.
Eamon de Valera refused to attend talks, realizing that compromise was
inevitable, but that movements in that direction would hurt his image. An
unexpected olive branch came from King George V, who, supported by South
African statesman General Jan Smuts1, managed to get the British government to
accept a radical re-draft of his proposed speech to the Northern Ireland
parliament, meeting in Belfast City Hall in June 1921. The King had often
protested about the methods employed by Crown forces to Lloyd George.
speech, which called for reconciliation on all sides, changed the mood and
enabled the British and Irish Republican governments to agree a truce.
Negotiations on an Anglo-Irish Treaty took place in late 1921 in London. The
Irish delegation was led by Arthur Griffith, as de Valera--now 'President of
the Republic'--insisted that as head of state he could not attend, as King
George was not leading the British delegation.
the Government of Ireland Act 1920, Ireland was partitioned, creating Northern
Ireland and Southern Ireland. Under the terms of the Anglo-Irish agreement of 6
December 1921, which ended the war (1919-1921), Northern Ireland was given the
option of withdrawing from the new state, the Irish Free State, and remaining
part of the United Kingdom. The Northern Ireland parliament chose to do so. A
Boundary Commission was then set up to review the border.
leaders expected that it would so reduce Northern Ireland's size as to make it
economically unviable. Contrary to myth, partition was not the key breaking point
between pro and anti-Treaty campaigners; all sides expected the Boundary
Commission to 'deliver' Northern Ireland.
actual split was over symbolic issues: could the Irish Republic be dissolved?
Could Irish politicians take the Oath of Allegiance called for in the
Anglo-Irish Treaty? Anti-treaty republicans under de Valera answered both
questions in the negative. They withdrew from the Dáil Éireann, which had
narrowly approved the Treaty.
of the leading members of the Old IRA, the army of the Republic, joined the new
national army of the Irish Free State, while others rejoined civilian life. A
small minority, continuing to claim the name 'IRA', waged a bloody civil war
against the new Irish Free State civil administration, led by W.T. Cosgrave. This
war killed off both well-known Republican leaders, such as Michael Collins, and
the Old IRA itself, setting off a chain of splits that would occur regularly
over the remainder of the 20th century.
The Provisional Irish Republican Army (PIRA) is a paramilitary group which
aimed, through armed struggle, to achieve three goals:
withdrawal from Ireland,
political unification of Ireland through the merging of Northern Ireland and
the Republic of Ireland, and
creation of an all-Ireland socialist republic.
are also known as the 'Provos' and the Irish Republican Army. It is most
commonly referred to simply as the IRA, but several groups claim this title. In
the Irish language they style themselves Óglaigh na hÉireann ("Volunteers
of Ireland"), the same title used by the regular Irish Defence Forces.
IRA's campaign against those perceived as standing in the way of its desired
aims (which included the Royal Ulster Constabulary, the British Army, the
Unionist establishment and, on occasion, the police and army in the Republic of
Ireland) played a central role in the Troubles in Northern Ireland. It has been
officially on ceasefire since 1997.
Provisional IRA was initially a splinter group of the 'Official' IRA, which
claimed descent from the Old IRA: the guerrilla army of the 1919-1922 Irish
Republic. The Official IRA moved to a Marxist analysis of Irish partition,
eventually leading to its refusal to defend Catholic communities from the
attacks of Protestant mobs for fear of being seen as sectarian, in the mid
1960s. The PIRA held to a more pragmatic republican analysis and became larger
and more successful, eventually overshadowing the original group. The name, the
"Provisional" IRA arose when those who were unhappy with the IRA's
Army Council formed a "Provisional Army Council" of their own,
echoing in turn the "Provisional Government" proclaimed during the
Easter Rising of 1916.
split in the armed wing of the republican movement was mirrored in the
separation of the republican political wing. Supporters of the PIRA split from
'Official' Sinn Féin to form Provisional Sinn Féin. Provisional Sinn Féin was
later known simply as Sinn Féin while 'Official' Sinn Féin eventually became
the Workers' Party, later the Democratic Left. This group eventually merged
with the Irish Labour Party, after serving in government with them.
PIRA has several hundred members, as well as tens of thousands of civilian
sympathisers on the island of Ireland, mostly in Ulster. However, the
movement's appeal was hurt badly by more notorious PIRA bombings widely
perceived as 'atrocities', such as the killing of civilians attending a
Remembrance Day ceremony at the cenotaph in Enniskillen in 1987, and the
killing of two children at Warrington, which led to tens of thousands of people
descending on O'Connell Street in Dublin to call for an end to the PIRA's
campaign of violence. In the 1990's the IRA moved to attacking economic targets,
such as the Baltic Exchange and Canary Wharf, the latter of which killed two
recent times the movement's strength has been weakened by operatives leaving
the organisation to join hardline splinter groups such as the Continuity IRA
and the Real IRA. If the PIRA has enjoyed mass support this has not,
historically, been reflected in support for its associated political party,
Sinn Féin, which, until recently, did not receive the support of more than a
minority of nationalists in Northern Ireland, or of voters in general in the
Republic of Ireland. Sinn Fein now has 24 members of the Northern Ireland
Assembly (out of 108), 4 Northern Ireland MPs (out of 18) and 5 TDs (members of
the parliament of the Republic of Ireland, out of 166). This is widely
perceived as support for the IRA ceasefire and some commentators maintain this
support would decrease if the IRA returned to violence.
the past, the PIRA has received funds and arms from sympathisers in the United
States, notably from the Noraid (Irish Northern Aid) organisation. The PIRA has
also, on occasion, received assistance from foreign governments and
paramilitary groups, including considerable training and arms from Libya and
assistance from the Palestinian Liberation Organisation (PLO). U.S. support has
been weakened by the so-called "War against Terrorism", the events of
the 11th September 2001 and the discovery of three men (two known members of
the IRA and the Sinn Fein representative in Cuba) in Colombia, allegedly
training Colombian FARC guerrillas. These men were eventually acquitted of
aiding FARC, and convicted solely on the lesser charge of possessing false
passports, however the prosecution appealed the acquittal and the men have now
been convicted and sentenced to long jail terms. The three men disappeared
while on bail and their whereabouts are still not known. The case was
controversial for several reasons, including the heavy reliance on the
testimony of a former FARC member and dubious forensic evidence. There was also
considerable political pressure from the right-wing government of Alvaro Uribe,
members of which had called for a guilty verdict. The organisation has also
been accused of raising funds through smuggling, racketeering and bank
February 2005 prominent PIRA members were denounced by relatives of Robert
McCartney leading to Gerry Adams for the first time calling for the Catholic
Community in Northern Ireland to give evidence against the PIRA.
PIRA cease-fire in 1997 formed part of a process that led to the 1998 Belfast
(Good Friday) Agreement. The Agreement has among its aims that all extra-legal
paramilitary groups in Northern Ireland cease their activities and disarm by
from Sinn Féin have lead the IRA to commence disarming in a process that has
been overviewed by General John de Chastelain's decommissioning body in
October, 2001. However, following the collapse of the Stormont power-sharing
government in 2002, which was partly triggered by allegations that republican
spies were operating within Parliament Buildings and the Civil Service, the
PIRA temporarily broke contact with General de Chastelain. It is expected that,
if and when power-sharing resumes, the PIRA disarmament process will begin
again, though it is already considered by some to be behind schedule.
Increasing numbers of people, from the Ulster Unionists under David Trimble and
the Social Democratic and Labour Party under Mark Durkan to the Irish
Government under Bertie Ahern and the mainstream Irish media, have begun
demanding not merely decommissioning but the wholesale disbandment of the PIRA.
December, 2004, attempts to persuade the PIRA to disarm entirely collapsed when
the DUP, under Ian Paisley, insisted on photographic evidence. The PIRA stated
that this was an attempt at humiliation and so the attempts collapsed.
the beginning of February 2005, the PIRA declared that it was withdrawing from
the disarmament process.
Provisional IRA's activities have included bombings, assassinations,
kidnappings, 'punishment beatings' of civilians accused of criminal behaviour,
robberies and extortion. Previous targets have included the British military,
the Royal Ulster Constabulary, and Loyalist militants – against all of whom
PIRA gunmen and bombers fought a guerrilla war.
has also targeted British Government officials, Unionist politicians and
certain civilians in both Northern Ireland and Great Britain. Many Protestant
civilians perceived to have been assisting the British were killed in Northern
Ireland, whilst many British civilians were killed during the IRA bombing
campaign in England, which was often directed against civilian targets such as
pubs, as well as targets of an economic significance.
of their most famous victims was Lord Louis Mountbatten, killed on August 27,
1979, by a PIRA bomb placed in his boat.
many Catholic civilians have been killed by PIRA in Northern Ireland for
alleged "collaboration" with the British security forces (i.e. the
British army or the RUC). The IRA has also summarily "executed" or
otherwise punished suspected drug dealers and other suspected criminals in the
past, sometimes after kangaroo trials. IRA members suspected of being British
or Irish government informers were also executed, often after interrogation and
torture and a kangaroo trial.
of the Garda Síochána (the Republic of Ireland's police force) have also been
killed; most notorious was the killing of Detective Garda Jerry McCabe, who was
shot and killed after the commencement of the IRA ceasefire, while escorting a
post office delivery. PIRA bombing campaigns have been conducted against rail
and London Underground (subway) stations, pubs and shopping areas on the island
of Great Britain, and a British military facility on Continental Europe.
has recently been claimed that elements of the PIRA have been involved in a
spate of bank robberies throughout the island of Ireland, allegedly to build up
funds to 'pension off' PIRA members and so facilitate disbandment.
has been officially on ceasefire since July 1997 (although hardline splinter
groups such as the Continuity IRA and so-called Real IRA continue their
campaigns). It previously observed a cease-fire from 1 September 1994 to
February 1996, after the Downing Street Declaration, although this was ended
when the British government refused to talk to Sinn Fein.
Fein used to be widely regarded as the political wing of the IRA, but today the
party insists that the two organisations are completely separate.
republican party devoted to establishing a united Ireland, Sinn Fein advocates
strong cross-border bodies as a step towards achieving that goal and the
maintenance of the Irish Republic's territorial claim to Northern Ireland.
is a strong supporter of the Good Friday Agreement, but accuses unionists of
undermining the deal in the months since it was signed.
original Sinn Fein campaigned for an independent, united Ireland before and
after the First World War. The current form of the party dates back to 1970
when Provisional Sinn Fein split away from Official Sinn Fein, which became the
Workers' Party. This split mirrored the split in the IRA into Official and
the early 1980s, Sinn Fein has slowly gained strength and political power. At
the 1997 general election, it won 16% of the vote. Its two MPs, party president
Gerry Adams and Martin McGuinness, have never sat at Westminster as they refuse
to take the oath of allegiance to the Queen.
Fein has 18 seats in the Northern Ireland Assembly and two seats on the
Fein was angered by the refusal of First Minister David Trimble to allow it to
take up its executive seats until the IRA began to disarm, arguing that the
Agreement gave it an automatic right to attend regardless of the IRA's actions.
November 1999, however, Sinn Fein made a statement reaffirming its beliefs in
decommissioning as an essential part of the peace process and in the IRA's
commitment to a permanent peace. That statement - and similar declarations from
the Ulster Unionists and the IRA - were seen as a breakthrough in the
months later, however, it became apparent that no decommissioning had taken
place. Sinn Fein was angered by unionist pressure on the government and the
suspension of the executive, arguing that this amounted to a unionist veto.
Fein welcomed the IRA's announcement in May 2000 that it was ready to put its
weapons beyond use.
Sinn Féin and the DUP became the largest parties of the two communities, it was
clear that no deal could be made without the support of both parties. They
nearly reached a deal in November 2004, but the DUP's insistence on
photographic evidence of the decommissing, as had been demanded by Rev. Dr Ian
Paisley, meant the failure of the arrangement. The robbery of £26.5 million
from the Northern Bank in Belfast in December 2004, in which two staff members
were forced to participate under threat that their families would be killed if
they refused, further scuppered chances of a deal, as PSNI Chief Constable Hugh
Orde blamed the IRA. This assessment was echoed by the Garda Siochana
Commissioner, Noel Conroy. The two governments, and all political parties bar
Sinn Féin itself have publicly accepted this assessment, with the Police
Constable and the Garda Commissioner jointly scheduled to brief the British
Prime Minister, the Secretary of State for Northern Ireland, the Taoiseach, the
Minister for Justice and the Minister for Foreign Affairs, at a meeting in
Downing Street in early February.
late January 2005 Gerry Adams met separately with prime ministers Tony Blair
and Bertie Ahern. Both men reportedly forcefully told the Sinn Fein leader of
their conviction that the IRA were involved and warned that the IRA's alleged
actions could scupper hopes of a re-establishment of the power-sharing
the aftermath of the row over the robbery, a further controversy erupted when,
on RTE's Questions and Answers programme, the chairman of Sinn Fein, Mitchel
McLoughlin, insisted that the IRA's controversial killing of a mother of ten
young children, Jean McConville, in the early 1970s though "wrong",
was not a "crime". Politicians from the Republic, along with the
Irish media strongly attacked McLoughlin's comments.
the Dail on 26 January 2005, when challenged by Sinn Fein TDs over his
insistence that the robbery was the work of the IRA, Bertie Ahern listed off
punishment beatings that had been carried out in Northern Ireland, and which he
blamed directly on the IRA. He accused Sinn Fein of stopping the IRA from
carrying out punishment beatings (in which a civilian was beaten with a bat and
had their legs broken, or was shot in the knees or sometimes in the hands) at
sensitive times in negotiations in Northern Ireland, with the beatings
beginning again once the negotiations had been completed. Sinn Fein TDs denied
the allegation and called the claims "outrageous".
February 2005, the Independent Monitoring Commission reported that it firmly
supported the PSNI and Garda assessments that the Provisional IRA was
responsible for the Northern Bank robbery and that certain senior members of
Sinn Fein are also senior members of the Provisional IRA and would have had
knowledge of and given approval to the carrying out of the robbery. The
political consequences of this are likely to involve further cuts in the
salaries and expenses of Sinn Fein members of the Northern Ireland Assembly and
exclusion from ministerial office should the Assembly be restored in the near
Adams responded to the report by challenging the Irish Government to have him
arrested for conspiracy.
February 2005, Irish Minister for Justice Michael McDowell publicly accused
three of the Sinn Féin leadership, Gerry Adams, Martin McGuinness and Martin
Ferris (TD for Kerry North) of being on the seven-man IRA Army Council. Gerry
Adams denied this at an address in Strabane, on the occasion of a ceremony
commemorating three IRA men killed by the SAS 20 years ago. Martin McGuinness
denied the allegations in a TV interview on RTÉ.
February 2005, a republican demonstration against the IRA's murder of Robert
McCartney on 30 January 2005 is held in East Belfast. Alex Maskey, a former
Sinn Fein Mayor of Belfast, told relatives to “stop making stupid comments” to
the press following Gerry MacKay's demand that Mr Maskey “hand over the 12” IRA
members involved .
The Real Irish Republican Army is a paramilitary group founded by former
members of the Provisional IRA before the signing of the 1998 Good Friday
(Belfast) Agreement. The Real IRA is opposed to the Provisional IRA's 1997
cease-fire and acquiescence in the accord.
originally attracted disaffected IRA members from the Republican stronghold of
South Armagh, and some member in Derry. Its first leader was Michael McKevitt,
a former quarter master general of the Provisional IRA, but he has since been
imprisoned on charges of directing terrorism. Shortly after its formation, the
Real IRA began attacks similar in nature to those conducted by the Provisional
IRA prior to its ceasefire. However, it lacked a significant base, and was
heavily infiltrated with informers, leading to a series of high profile arrests
and seizures by British and Irish police in the first half of 1998. Despite
this, the Real IRA succeeded in bombing Omagh town centre on August 14 1998,
killing 29 people. This caused a major outcry in Ireland. Many of its members
abandoned the organisation, and British and Irish police co-operated on an
unprecedented scale to destroy the movement.
Real IRA called a ceasefire in the winter of 1998, but this was broken after
less then two years when the organisation conducted a number of attacks on the
island of Great Britain, including a taxi-bomb attack on the BBC Television
Centre in West London, and a rocket propelled grenade attack on the
headquarters of MI6. Since then, it has become weaker and weaker. Infiltration
has continued, and the movement has been unable to conduct a noticeable bomb
attack. In the fall of 2003, its imprisoned leaders called for an unconditional
ceasefire, citing alleged misuse of funds and the futile nature of their
resistance to the British presence in Ireland.
recent times, the Real IRA has continued to be a thorn in the side of both the
British and Irish authorities. December 2004 saw 15 fire bomb attacks against
premises in Belfast attributed to the breakaway faction. Many see this as a
sign of growing support for the group, in light of failed attempts to rescue
the Belfast peace accord.
Real IRA is distinct from the Continuity IRA, another Provisional IRA splinter
group founded in 1986.The 32 County Sovereignty Movement is perceived to be the
political wing of the Real IRA.
The Continuity Irish Republican Army (CIRA) is an Irish republican paramilitary
group that split from the Provisional IRA in 1986 in a dispute over the
attendance of the elected representatives of Sinn Féin (the political party
affiliated to the Provisional IRA) at Dáil Éireann (the lower house of
parliament of the Republic of Ireland). The CIRA also styles itself simply as
the 'Irish Republican Army' or Óglaigh na hÉireann, but both of these names are
also claimed by other groups, including the Provisional IRA.
the 1986 Sinn Féin Ard Fheis (annual party conference) it was decided to
discontinue the party's long held policy of abstention from the Dáil but this
decision was rejected by a minority of members who walked out of the conference
to form a new political party--Republican Sinn Féin--and a new paramilitary
group: the CIRA. The dispute within Sinn Féin was also seen as one between the
Northern Ireland leadership of the party under Gerry Adams, who remained within
'Provisional Sinn Féin', and the party's southern leadership under Ruairí Ó
Brádaigh, who was among the defectors.
to commmon belief, the formation of the CIRA did not arise from the signing of
the 1998 Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement and predated that of the 'Real' IRA.
The CIRA opposes the Agreement nonetheless and, as of 2004, unlike the
Provisional IRA, the CIRA has not announced a cease fire or agreed to
participate in weapons decommissioning. On 13th July, 2004, the US government
designated the CIRA as a "terrorist" organisation, thereby making it
illegal for Americans to provide material support to it, requiring US financial
institutions to block the group's assets, and denying CIRA members visas into
CIRA claim to be the true inheritors of an Irish republican tradition that
includes the 'Old' Irish Republican Army that fought the 1919-1921 War of
Independence, and claims to have attained legitimacy as such in being
recognised by Tom Maguire, the last surviving member of the Second Dáil, as the
modern incarnation of the old IRA, in what CIRA supporters perceive to be a
kind of 'apostolic' succession. These claims are not widely accepted among
CIRA activities have included numerous bombings, assassinations and
kidnappings, as well as extortion and robbery. Targets of the CIRA have
included British military and Northern Ireland security targets, as well as
loyalist paramilitary groups. It has also conducted bomb attacks on
predominantly Protestant towns in Northern Ireland. The group is claimed to be
the only paramilitary group in Northern Ireland never to have killed or
targeted a civilian. As of 2004, the CIRA is not believed to have an
established presence or capability of launching attacks on the island of Great
In 2004 the United States (US) government believed the CIRA to consist of fewer
than fifty fully active members.
aid: The US government suspected the CIRA of receiving funds and arms from
supporters in the United States. It is also believed that, in cooperation with
the 'Real' IRA, the CIRA may have acquired arms and materiel from the Balkans.
Ulster Volunteer Force
UVF's name dates back to a Protestant force formed to oppose Home Rule in 1912.
It was revived in 1966 in opposition to liberal unionism. Its stated mission:
to kill IRA members.
UVF is believed to be smaller than the loyalist Ulster Freedom Fighters.
Responsible for dozens of killings, the UVF was behind the 1994 shootings of
Catholics watching a World Cup match on TV in Loughnisland, County Down.
UVF has links with the Progressive Unionist Party, which won two seats in the
assembly. It is in favour of the Good Friday Agreement and has been on
ceasefire since 1994.
belonging to the UVF are eligible for early release under the terms of the
Agreement and some have been released.
Ulster Unionist Party
UUP has long been the largest party in Northern Ireland.
the peace process and the difficulties that have come with it has seen the
party's membership divide and many of its supporters switch to the hardline
the 1997 general election, 10 months before the signing of the Good Friday
Agreement, a third of Northern Ireland's voters supported the party, delivering
it 10 of the 18 parliamentary seats.
following year, the UUP took 28 of the 108 seats in the Northern Ireland
Assembly, making party leader David Trimble the First Minister-designate.
as Mr Trimble's leadership and peace process strategy came under fire from many
among his own party, that support slipped - devastatingly so at the 2001
than emerging from the election as the unassailable leader of the unionist
community, Mr Trimble witnessed his party finish with just six seats - three of
the losses at the hands of Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists.
UUP, formerly known as the Official Unionist Party, was the absolute political
master of Northern Ireland from partition in 1921 until the imposition of
direct rule in 1972.
central plank of UUP policy remained maintaining the link between Northern
Ireland and the rest of the United Kingdom. But the actual nature of that link
- and what relationship with the Republic of Ireland - has been the defining
characteristics of the party's political history.
the civil rights movement emerged in the 1960s and demanded political and
social change of the unionist government, the party faced the first of many
first reform-minded leader of the party during that decade, Terrence O'Neill,
sparked fury among unionists after he invited the Irish Taoiseach to Belfast
for talks and advocated social and political change to what had long been
considered a "Protestant state for a Protestant people".
last prime minister of Northern Ireland in 1972, Brian (later Lord) Faulkner,
initially resisted any form of powerharing arrangements and sparked nationalist
fury by introducing internment without trial.
the introduction of direct rule came as a massive body blow to the party. The
closure of Stormont brought to an end its half-century of control of events in
Northern Ireland and eventually led to a realignment within the party in which
the working class members gained more control.
eventually agreed to powersharing and a cross-border body as part of the 1973
Sunningdale agreement - but the party divided as many members sided with the
Democratic Unionists and various loyalist groups to bring down the deal and the
than a decade later, the UUP was utterly opposed the Anglo-Irish Agreement
which introduced a role for Dublin in Northern Ireland affairs through a joint
ministerial council; its opposition led to its closest ever co-operation with
the Democratic Unionists.
the 16 years leadership of James (now Lord) Molyneaux (1979 - 1995), the party
pursued a number of devolution strategies which fell short of powersharing. On
powersharing itself, Molyneaux remained clear: Northern Ireland's divisions
could not be healed through a "shotgun marriage between those who are
British and those ... atttracted to the idea of Irishness." It was a view
apparently held by a majority of the party.
Trimble's taking of the helm in 1995 marked a new direction. He took the party
into the political talks which eventually led to the Good Friday Agreement.
Trimble's role in negotiating the Good Friday Agreement led to him jointly
winning the 1998 Nobel Peace Prize with the SDLP leader John Hume - an award
that some observers suggested had possibly been made a few years too early.
Trimble historically secured his party's backing to work in the powersharing
assembly and cross-border political bodies, but his leadership quickly became
dogged by the vexed question of paramilitary arms decommissioning.
one false start, the Northern Ireland executive was established when the Ulster
Unionist council backed David Trimble's stance on 27 November 1999. The
decision - by 480 votes to 349 - paved the way for a power-sharing executive,
linked to decommissioning and marked a sea-change in Ulster Unionist thinking.
the executive was suspended within weeks amid Mr Trimble threat to resign over
a lack of movement on decommissioning, the party's nationalist critics said
that it had failed to learn the lessons of the past three decades.
Mr Trimble secured his party's support on a second occasion after the a
comprehensive deal in May 2000 which sought to address the concerns of all
participants in the political process.
party remains ruled by the 800-strong Ulster Unionist Council, a body that has
come under the spotlight since 1998 because of its pivotal role at critical
stages of the peace process. The most controversial aspect of the council is
that the Orange Order is allowed to send voting representatives to its meetings
- even though they may be more closely aligned with other shades of unionism.
Democtaric Ulster Party
DUP was founded in 1971 by the Reverend Ian Paisley and William Boal, an MP who
defected from the Official Unionists in protest at the policies of the then
Prime Minister of Northern Ireland, Terence O'Neill.
DUP led opposition to the Sunningdale power-sharing executive in 1974.
Rev Paisley's leadership it has strongly opposed the Good Friday Agreement.
similarly against any other move which it interprets as an attempt to weaken
the union or as a concession to nationalists or the Republic.
it has now taken up two ministerial posts on the executive, the DUP still
refuses to have dealings with Sinn Fein members of the same body.
DUP is also strongly anti-Catholic in the religious sense. Mr Paisley often
denounces the Pope.
party has two MPs at Westminster and 20 assembly seats.
1.8 Terrorism in
Greece. November 17
known as 17N or N17) was a Marxist Greek terrorist organisation listed in U.S.
State Department list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations. Its full name is
Revolutionary Organization 17 November (Greek: Επαναστατική
Οργάνωση 17 Νοέμβρη,
Epanastatiki Organosi 17 Noemvri).
had perpetrated a series of attacks from 1975. Until 2002 no member of the
group had been identified or arrested. The group is named after the November
17, 1973 uprising by students at the Athens Polytechnic university against the
military junta, in which twenty students were killed. Since the military junta
was backed by the United States as part of that country's anti-Communist
efforts, most of the group's attacks have been directed at American targets.
group's first attack was in December 1975, when the CIA's Athens station chief
was shot. The group have committed further assassinations, often using a .45
caliber handgun, and around fifty other attacks. Initial attacks were aimed at
American and Greek officials but the range of operations was expanded in the
1980s and 1990s to include bombings and EU targets. The group is also opposed
to Turkey and NATO.
group wanted to get rid of U.S. bases in Greece, to remove the Turkish military
from Cyprus, and to sever Greece's ties to NATO and the European Union.
June 2000, the group killed Stephen Saunders, a British Defense Attaché. His
wife went on television urging the Greek people to help apprehend his killers.
a failed operation on June 29, 2002 the Greek authorities captured an injured
suspect, Savvas Xiros. His interrogation led to the discovery of two safe
houses and to the arrest of a further six suspects, including two brothers of
Savvas. A 58 year old professor, Alexandros Giotopoulos, was identified as the
group leader and was arrested on July 17 on the island of Lipsi. On September
5, Dimitris Koufodinas—identified as the group's chief of
operations—surrendered to the authorities. In all, nineteen individuals were
charged with some 2,500 offences relating to November 17's activities. Because
of the 20-year statute of limitations, murders before 1984 were not tried by
trial of the terrorist suspects commenced in Athens on March 3, 2003. On
December 8, fifteen of the accused, including Giotopoulos and Koufodinas, were
found guilty; another four were acquitted for lack of evidence. The convicted
members were sentenced on December 17, with Giotopoulous sentenced to 21 life
terms—the heaviest sentence in modern Greek legal history. Koufodinas received
13 life terms. The prosecutor has proposed that Christodoulos Xeros receive 10
life terms; Savvas Xeros six; Vassilitis Tzortzatos four; Iraklis Kostaris one.
Lesser sentences are proposed for the remaining nine, in the light of
lawyers of the defendants as well as several civil rights groups has stressed
the highly irregular character of the trial. The trial was conducted by a
special court with closed doors and the use of television cameras was
prohibited. People sympathetic to their causes believe that this was so that it
would be easier to condemn all the accused despite very little
non-circumstantial evidence. Many of the accused, notably Alexandros
Giotopoulos, denied their participation until the end of the year long trial.
According to Giotopoulos, he was framed so that the image of a terrorist
organization led by a clear leader could be presented. The accused that did
admit participation to the group, notably Dimitris Koufondinas who took
"full political responsibility for all of the group actions",
presented a picture of a loose horizontally organized structure with small
cells and decisions taken by discussion and consensus.
Greek law, one life term is equal to a 25-year term and a convict may apply for
parole after 16 years. If sentenced to more than one life term, he or she must
serve at least 20 years before being eligible for parole. Other sentences will
run concurrently, with 25-year terms being the maximum and with parole possible
after three-fifths of this term are served.
September 17, 2004, the imprisoned started a hunger strike protesting the
especially harsh conditions of their imprisonment and their sensory isolation.
According to their statements, "bourgeois democracy" takes revenge on
them by enclosing them in "a prison witin a prison."
terrorism has long been a central issue on the UN agenda, commanding an
increasingly large focus ever since the September 11th attacks and the
subsequent military actions undertaken in the Middle East and Central Asia, it
has remained surprisingly silent on the topic of terrorism in Europe. Most of
the following resolutions deal with terrorism in general, or with Islamic
extremists, not with any particular threats within the European Union; that
domain remains to be covered: Resolution 49/60 (1994), Resolution 1269 (1999),
and Resolution 1373 (2001).
this issue is both sensitive and complex. The difficulty in dealing with it
directly stems from the illusive nature of the main actors. No one disputes
that terrorists should be punished and deterred, but the challenge lies in
identifying degrees of terrorist actions and agreeing on the best way to react.
As the old cliché goes, one man's terrorist is another's freedom
the United States, members of the European Union have not take a stance of no
negotiation with terrorists. Previously, terrorists have been successful in
negotiating with European nations, thereby granting a degree of validity to
their methods. For instance, on 19 January 1975, when 10 people were taken
hostage in the Orly airport in France by Arab terrorists, French authorities
provided the group with an airplane to fly to Iraq in exchange for the release
of the hostages. Similarly, on 27 January of the same year, the June the Second
Movement took Peter Lorenz, a German politician, hostage until five terrorists
were released from jail and allowed to return to Yemen. In April, 12 hostages
were taken in Sweden in exchange for the release of members of terrorists from
the Baader-Meinhof gang. It does not seem that this approach is viable in the
long-run. Negotiation is extremely dangerous and threatens the future
effectiveness of counter-terrorist measures. It shows weakness on the part of
the EU and encourages groups to gain recognition of their desires through
violence. So, one way of discouraging future attacks is to disprove their
political efficacy. The military resources of Europol, of NATO, of the UN, of
the sovereign nations of the EU should not go to waste. European states can and
should fight back.
problem with this approach is that it does not distinguish between degrees of
action and is not overly sympathetic. Its proponents run the risk of being
labeled hypocrites, of seeming terrorist-like themselves, and of alienating
there are those who believe that, in the vein of Resolution 1373, the solution
to terrorism is financial. Simply put, terrorists need assets to fund their
actions. Without money, they will be unable to purchase equipment, organize, or
communicate, and consequently, unable to perpetrate any cohesive and effective
attacks. Nations should freeze the funds of suspected terrorists and severely
punish anyone who is suspected of aiding terrorist organizations.
as easy and straightforward as this approach sounds, it is extremely
problematic. First of all, how do you identify whose assets to freeze? What
relationship or suspicion is enough to cut off funds from an individual? And
perhaps, more to the point, what of prominent corporations and organizations?
If, for instance, some major international bank is suspected of financing
terrorists, it cannot effectively be shut down or punished. Sometimes, freezing
assets of wealthy individuals or entities can be extremely hurtful to a state's
economy and can provoke bitter public criticism that may not seem to be worth
the hassle. Finally, it is extremely hard to trace all sources of terrorist
is also the camp of believers who view the issue of terrorism in a judicial
light. The fact that groups commit illegal actions does not mean that states
should violate any international norms of behavior in dealing with them.
Violence and coercion are not the way to go. Rather, terrorists should be
discouraged from acting through strict, predictable, and unrelenting laws.
of conduct and punishments should be such that individuals will find it in
their best interests to stay away from any suspected terrorist activity.
Stricter punishment, not force, should be the main deterrent. Terrorists who
are caught should be tried fairly and openly, and sentenced accordingly. Then
there can be no international censure, since no force has been used, and
individuals are brought to justice morally and legally.
again, this optimistic view is not completely in touch with reality. First is
the issue of time delay. Trials can take an extremely long time to reach a
final verdict, in the meantime offering a window of opportunity for further
terrorist actions. Then, the argument has been made repeatedly that certain
religious beliefs hold death as a martyr as holy and noble; legal sentences do
not do anything to discourage individuals who hold these beliefs from engaging
in terrorist activities. Something more tangible, such as military strength or
financial insolvency (i.e. actions that will physically prevent attacks from
being carried out), should be the policy, since a moral or legal threat is
unlikely to be effective.
of the most important steps that can be taken in fighting terrorism is the
recognition that it does not exist in a vacuum. Terrorist activity has links to
issues of transnational crime, immigration, the drug trade, and numerous other
endeavors. As the Italian government states, "The fight against
international terrorism must be accompanied by effective measures to combat
transnational crime and illegal immigration, with the reinforcement of EUROPOL,
and by constant and coordinated control of external borders; by laying down
common rules on asylum; by stepping up cooperation arrangements with the countries
of origin or transit of the migration flows; and by improving cooperation
between Member States on matters relating to visas."
measure against terrorism will be effective if it does not also take into
consideration the issues that are closely related to terrorist action.
really are no clear-cut bloc positions on this issue. Basically, every member
of the European Union opposes terrorism in essence and would like to see
something done to combat it. No one would like to be caught voting against an
anti-terrorism measure. However, there are some degrees of variation within
this general consensus. For instance, while Great Britain is much more likely
to agree to a stringent, more military and punitive measure, France may be more
likely to opt for a more accommodating solution. In the long run, though, every
country has an interest in coming up with an effective solution and all are
likely to work together to come up with a compromise measure that will protect
them all from terrorist attacks. Every member of the EU is threatened and so
every member will work to implement an effective resolution. Where the tension
will come in is in the exact strictness and direction the proposal will take.
number of European deaths from terror attacks over the last few decades has
remained relatively constant. It's our perception of the threat that's changed.
against 'soft' civilian targets are not new, we can just recall the IRA pub
bombings in the 1960s. The concern is that terrorists now seem to be more
interested in these targets - it's very difficult to protect every pub, or
every train, in the country.
there's the increased threat of Islamic terrorism. The September 11 attacks
also ushered in a new era, where the West learned the devastating potential of
terrorists prepared to take their own lives. And of course it's possible that
such groups have shared, or will share, information and expertise with
indigenous organisations and, thus, be continuously expanding.
the other hand many organisations and particular individuals do their best to
challenge the threat and try to combat it.
means. Although problematic, peace negotiations in Northern Ireland have seen a
halt to the spate of IRA bombings in the 1970s and 80s. Spain's approach to ETA
has been uncompromising. Part of the strategy has been to ban ETA’s alleged
political wing, Batasuna. Anti-terrorist laws have been hardened with mandatory
life sentences for anyone convicted of serious terrorist offences.
means. After 25 years of attacks in Greece, November 17 leaders Alexandros
Giotopoulos and Dimitris Koufodinas were among 15 sentenced to life in December
of September 11. Since the New York attacks, intelligence monitoring of Islamic
groups has been stepped up, as has co-operation between European agencies. In
Britain in particular controversial legislation has been passed giving the
police greater powers against terrorist suspects.
means. September 11 has made Europe more twitchy and a greater emphasis has
been placed on protecting high-profile targets. In Britain, this has included a
mock gas attack on a tube station and the stepping up of the 'ring of steel'
security monitoring around London's financial centre.
very hard to decide whether terrorism can be unstoppable. But the problem is
very acute and gets a lot of attention. Hopefully by uniting the efforts of the
governments and its secret police services, NGOs and each and every one of us
this terror is going to stop one day.
1 Britain in
2 BBC In Depth
European Council Information. http://ue.eu.int/en/Info/eurocouncil/index.htm
4 Center for
Defense Information. www.cdi.org
5 The European
Terrorism Review: July 2002.
9 Nexus magazine http://www.nexusmagazine.com/articles/hiddenterror.html
12 the Guardian Special
Report Northern Ireland
13 Islamic terrorism in
15 CNN.com specials